publications

Background

The Georgian Prison System

The Georgian prison system was transferred officially from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Justice in January 2000, in accordance with the requirements of the Council of Europe.1  According to the Ministry of Justice, the official capacity of the prison system is 9,026 detainees.2 As of June 2006, the population of Georgia’s prisons stood at 12,992 detainees, however. Nearly 63 percent of those detained are remand prisoners awaiting trial. 3  The prison population has grown rapidly in recent years, rising 51 percent in the last year, and increasing 85.6 percent in the last two years.4

The prison system consists of 16 operational facilities, including a Republican Prison Hospital and a tuberculosis hospital for inmates in Ksani. There is one facility for convicted women prisoners in Tbilisi. There is an educational institution for juvenile convicts under the age of 18 in Avchala, near Tbilisi. According to the Law on Imprisonment, women, children, first-time convicts, prisoners facing life sentences, and former staff of the special state guard are to be detained in separate facilities. Convicts living with HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases are detained separately in the prison system’s medical department.5 

According to the Law on Imprisonment, convicted prisoners serve their sentence under one of three types of regime: general regime, strict regime, and prison regime. Penitentiary institutions may operate with one or several regimes. Under amendments that came into force on June 1, 2006, the head of the penitentiary system determines under which regime a prisoner will serve his or her sentence; previously, a judge determined not only the length of sentence, but also under which regime it should be served.6  Although the Law on Imprisonment sets out the conditions and entitlements of each regime, Human Rights Watch’s research indicates a serious gap between these legal provisions and the practice in prisons, as described below. According to law, first-time prisoners serving sentences for less serious crimes or where culpability was based on negligence or recklessness, as well as female prisoners, serve their sentences under the general or common regime. This regime should mean that prisoners live in common accommodation, such as barracks or a dormitory, unless otherwise determined by the internal procedure; have the right to walk freely within the facility, according to internal procedures; and are allowed two visits from family or friends per month.7

First-time prisoners convicted of grave c rimes, recidivists, and dangerous recidivists are subject to the strict regime. According to law, under the strict regime prisoners should also live in common accommodation, unless otherwise determined by internal procedure; have the right to walk freely within the facility, according to internal procedures; and receive one personal visit per month, except for recidivists, who are allowed only one such visit every two months.8

The prison regime is the strictest regime and is reserved for prisoners serving life sentences, particularly serious recidivists, and prisoners who committed crimes while in detention.9  The prison regime is further divided into a general and strict prison regime. Under the general prison regime, prisoners convicted for the first time, or those transferred from a strict prison regime, live in cells with no more than four convicts. By law cells are subject to visual surveillance.10  Inmates have the right to a two-hour daily walk and are allowed no more than three visits per year.11  The most serious offenders, including recidivists or those who committed crimes in detention, serve sentences under the strict prison regime. One or two prisoners share a cell, which is also subject to visual surveillance. Prisoners serving sentences under this regime may only perform work that does not require them to exit the cell. They are entitled to a one-hour daily walk and are allowed only two visits annually, under the supervision of the prison administration.12

By law, detainees in pre-trial detention should be held in separate facilities. In practice, this is not always the case. Pre-trial detainees and sentenced prisoners are sometimes held together in the same facility, or even in the same cell.13  The law provides that pre-trial detainees should be held in closed cells and, according to amendments effective June 1, 2006, should be given uniforms. The law does not specify the types and amount of exercise to which pre-trial detainees are entitled.14  

Local and international nongovernmental organizations and international organizations have long expressed concern over prison conditions in Georgia and have noted the government’s failure to address these concerns. The European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), which visited Georgia in May 2001 and again in November 2003 and May 2004, for example, stated in its first report, “… the vast majority of inmates at Prison No 5 were subject to a combination of negative factors—overcrowding, appalling material conditions and levels of hygiene, major deficiencies of health care, practically non-existent activity programmes—the cumulative effect of which could easily be described as inhuman and degrading treatment.”15 In its 2004 report, the committee noted, “Unfortunately, the facts found during the second periodic visit indicate that many of the recommendations made after the visit in 2001 have not been implemented, and that in some respects the situation has even deteriorated.”16  The United Nations special rapporteur on torture, Manfred Nowak, following his visit to Georgia in February 2005 also noted the poor conditions of detention and made several recommendations to improve the situation.17

Organized Crime in Georgia

There is little academic research on organized crime in Georgia. The most comprehensive study available was published by the Georgia Office of the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center (TCCC) in 2004.18   TCCC scholars trace the emergence of organized crime in Georgia to the 16th century. Organized crime was an influential phenomenon throughout the Russian empire, of which modern Georgia was a part, and a large number of organized crime figures had become concentrated in Georgia by the early Soviet period.19  After several years of open confrontation between different criminal groups lo cated throughout the Soviet Union, one category of criminals, the “thieves in law” (in Georgian, kanonieri qurdebi; in Russian, vory v zakone), emerged at the top of the criminal hierarchy, most likely in the early 1930s.20   They were characterized by their ideological opposition to the Soviet political regime and their adherence to a strict set of unwritten laws.21 After a decline in their numbers and influence under Stalin, they again expanded their authority in the post-Stalin thaw period and into the 1970s and 1980s,22 particularly in Georgia.23  The thieves in law emerged as a powerful force by taking advantage of the chaotic political and economic situation during the collapse of the Soviet Union. They further consolidated their social and economic authority during the initial years of independence, during the presidency of Zviad Gamsakhurdia.24 One academic report stated that by 2003 there were some 364 thieves in law in Georgia.25  They are associated with various crimes, including human, drug, and weapons trafficking; kidnapping; goods smuggling; racketeering; and black market activities.26

Organized Crime in the Georgian Penitentiary System

For over a century, organized crime has dominated the prison systems of, successively, the Russian empire, the Soviet Union, and independent Georgia. In the early part of the twentieth century, organized crime figures came to control the Russian imperial prison system and used it as a “criminal academy” for indoctrinating others and recruiting additional members. Prison life functioned according to a strict hierarchy and the laws and rules of the criminal world.27  This system continued to function during the Soviet era, and, as the thieves in law consolidated their authority, they also emerged at the top of the Soviet prison system, the GULAG. Soviet government attempts to combat the authority of the thieves in law in the 1940s and 1950s resulted in both the execution of a large number of thieves in law, as well as an increasing concentration of the thieves in law in the prisons.

Through threats, coercion, and cooptation, the thieves in law held tremendous influence over other prisoners and the prison authorities. According to the ombudsman of Georgia, one of the major problems facing the Penitentiary Department in 2004 and 2005 was that the thieves in law exerted “full control over the processes inside the prisons and, more importantly, control from within the prisons on the processes outside.”28  The thieves in law allegedly enjoyed countless privileges in the prisons, including better rooms, furniture, food, cell phones, as well as alcohol and narcotics, free movement in the prisons and between prisons, access to prostitutes, and were even seen in public together with government authorities.29  The thieves in law also extorted payments from prisoners,30 and were able to commit murders and other crimes in the prisons as punishment for those who disobeyed their rules.31  The thieves in law maintained this order in the prisons with considerable assistance from their associates located outside the prisons.32 

Government Efforts to Combat Organized Crime

Beginning with the Soviet authorities in the 1980s, the Georgian government has made numerous efforts to undo the influence and power of the thieves in law. In 1995 the government of Eduard Shevardnadze initiated a campaign against the thieves in law that continued throughout his presidency. Many were arrested and many others felt compelled to leave Georgia, fleeing mostly to Russia. As minister of justice from October 2000 to September 2001, Mikheil Saakashvili played a key role in this campaign.33  Upon his election to the presidency in 2004, Saakashvili declared the fight against corruption and organized crime to be one of his priorities.34 However, Georgia has not acceded to most of the major international documents regarding corruption and organized crime, having ratified only the Council of Europe Civil Law Convention on Corruption, in May 2003, under Shevardnadze.35

In December 2005, the Georgian parliament passed new legislation addressing organized crime, and the government began to take practical and legislative measures to eliminate the power of the thieves in law, including in the prisons. In a speech delivered after signing the organized crime bill into law, President Saakashvili stated, “We will put an end, once and for all, to the crime bosses’ free ride in prisons.”36  Saakashvili also appointed a new minister of justice, Gia Kavtaradze, and named a new head of the penitentiary system, Bacho Akhalaia, who was formerly a deputy ombudsman, to implement the new policies. Since this time, apparently all of the existing senior prison officials have been fired and replaced primarily with former Ministry of Interior employees.37  Beginning in December 2005, the authorities moved all of the suspected thieves in law to Prison No. 7 in Tbilisi, the capital, allegedly in order to control them and reduce their power. The thieves in law have allegedly been stripped of all of their privileges.




1 Georgia acceded to the Council of Europe on April 27, 1999. In its Opinion No. 209 (1999) on Georgia’s application for membership, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe required Georgia to “adopt the law concerning the transfer of responsibility for the prison system from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Justice within three months after its accession and to ensure the effective implementation of this law within six months after it has been adopted.” “Georgia’s application for membership of the Council of Europe,” Opinion No. 209 (1999), http://assembly.coe.int/main.asp?Link=/documents/adoptedtext/ta99/eopi209.htm (accessed June 27, 2006).

2 The Ministry of Justice reports that the occupancy level is based on an official capacity of 373,209 square meters, but does not provide information as to the basis for that measurement. Penitentiary Department of the Ministry of Justice statistics, on file with Human Rights Watch.

3 Penitentiary Department of the Ministry of Justice statistics, August 3, 2006, on file with Human Rights Watch.

4 According to Ministry of Justice statistics provided to the International Centre for Prison Studies, in June 2005 there were 8,600 detainees, of whom 50.6 percent were remand prisoners. International Centre for Prison Studies, “World Prison Brief for Georgia,” http://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/rel/icps/worldbrief/continental_asia_records.php?code=122 (accessed June 27, 2006). According to the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), during its visit in May 2004 the total prison population stood at approximately 7,000, approximately 40 percent of whom were remand prisoners. CPT, “Report to the Georgian Government on the visit to Georgia carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 18 to 28 November 2003 and from 7 to 14 May 2004,” para. 55, http://www.cpt.coe.int/documents/geo/2005-12-inf-eng.htmno. _Toc78860819 (accessed May 6, 2006).

5 Law of Georgia on Imprisonment, as amended June 1, 2006, art. 22, paras. 1-2. International standards denounce the practice of separating HIV-positive detainees from others. For example, “The CPT wishes to stress in particular that there is no medical justification for the segregation of prisoners solely on the grounds that they are HIV-positive.” CPT, “The CPT Standards, Substantive Sections of the CPT’s General Reports,” CPT/Inf/E (2002) 1-Rev. 2004,  http://www.cpt.coe.int/en/documents/eng-standards-prn.pdf (accessed May 5, 2006), p. 26, para. 31.

6 Law of Georgia on Imprisonment, as amended June 1, 2006, art. 19, para. 1.

7 Ibid., art. 73, paras. 1-3. As described below, the number of family visits for prisoners serving under each type of regime was curtailed severely by the June 1, 2006 amendments to the Law on Imprisonment. See below, “Lack of Access to Family Visits and Correspondence.”

8 Ibid., art. 74, paras. 1-4.

9 Ibid., art. 75, para. 1. Prisoners serving life sentences face special rules: they are held in a closed individual cell where permanent visual monitoring is possible; are allowed only four visits per year; are forbidden to have contact with prisoners not serving life sentences; and may be subject to discipline including reprimand, prohibition of sending and receiving mail, and placement in solitary confinement for three to twenty days. Law of Georgia on Imprisonment, as amended June 1, 2006, art. 77.

10 In principle 24-hour surveillance of a detainee’s cell is an invasion of privacy, a right which, the European Court of Human Rights has found, a prisoner retains, even if subject to some restriction. (See, for example, Silver and Others v. United Kingdom, judgment of March 25, 1983, Series A no. 61; and P.G. and J.H. v. United Kingdom, no. 44787/9, judgment of September 25, 2001).Such surveillance, when conducted on an on-going basis or for extended periods, and in the absence of specific, well founded concerns for security or protecting a prisoner from self harm, is not only an unjustified violation of privacy but may constitute degrading treatment. Human Rights Watch documented the mental anguish and distress of several prisoners who were subject to 24-hour video surveillance in their cells. Human Rights Watch interviews with detainees (names and details withheld).

11 Law of Georgia on Imprisonment, as amended June 1, 2006, art. 78, para. 1, and art. 79, paras. 1-4.

12 Ibid., art. 78, para. 1, and art. 80, paras. 1-4.

13 Ibid., art. 85.

14 Ibid., arts. 86 and 92.

15 CPT, “Report to the Georgian Government on the visit to Georgia carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 6 to 18 May 2001,” (Strasbourg, July 25, 2002), http://www.cpt.coe.int/documents/geo/2002-14-inf-eng.htm (accessed May 6, 2006).

16 CPT, “Report to the Georgian Government on the visit to Georgia carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 18 to 28 November 2003 and from 7 to 14 May 2004.”

17 “Civil and Political Rights, Including: The Questions of Torture and Detention, Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak, Mission to Georgia.”  United Nations Economic and Social Council, E/CN.4/2006/6/Add.3, September 23, 2005, Commission on Human Rights, 62nd Session, http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G05/160/45/PDF/G0516045.pdf?OpenElement (accessed May 5, 2006).

18 G. Glonti and G. Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia: Thieves in the Law,” (in Russian), Georgia Office of the American University's Transnational Crime and Corruption Center, Tbilisi, 2004, http://www.traccc.cdn.ge/publications/index.html (accessed May 2, 2006). The Georgia Office of the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center is a non-profit research organization associated with the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center of the American University in Washington, DC, which is devoted to teaching, research, training, and formulating policy advice in transnational crime, corruption, and terrorism.

19 Ibid., pp. 13-20.

20 Ibid., pp. 22-24.

21 According to one scholarly study, the fundamental laws are: 1. Commitment to and support for the idea of the thieves in law; 2. The absence of contact with law enforcement organs; 3. Honesty in relations with other thieves in law or criminal authorities; 4. The obligation to bring new members, especially young members, into the sphere of the thieves; 5. Prohibition on engaging in political activities; 6. Control over the order in penitentiary facilities and establishing there the law of the thieves; 7. Mandatory knowledge of card playing. Ibid., pp. 61-62.

22 Valerii Abramkin and Valentina Chesnokova, “The Law of the Prison,” Moscow Center for Prison Reform, http://www.prison.org/nravy/zakon/next.htm (accessed June 26, 2006).

23 Glonti and Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia,” p. 30.

24 Ibid., p. 41.

25 Ibid., p. 117.

26 “Problems Associated with Organized Crime in Georgia,” Transnational Crime and Corruption Center, http://www.traccc.cdn.ge/publications/publication2.html (accessed May 2, 2006).

27 Glonti and Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia,” p. 14.

28 The other two central problems identified by the ombudsman are “total corruption” and “absolutely uncontrolled, boundless, distribution of illegal drugs, on the part of both the administration and criminal elements.” Sozar Subari, public defender (ombudsman) of Georgia, “Ongoing Problems and Results of Monitoring in the Penitentiary Department,” Speech to the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights, May 19, 2006.

29 Human Rights Watch interview with Sozar Subari, public defender (ombudsman) of Georgia, Tbilisi, May 10, 2006.

30 According to scholars, this practice is determined by the laws of the thieves in law that required them to increase their collective wealth by collecting contributions (money, cigarettes, food) from inmates and others as well as by the informal prison law that required prisoners to contribute to a general fund. Glonti and Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia,” pp. 62-63 and 75; and Sozar Subari, public defender (ombudsman) of Georgia, “Ongoing Problems and Results of Monitoring in the Penitentiary Department.”

31 The authorities would often be complicit in such events. In one famous case, an inmate in Prison No. 9, Zurab Tsintsibadze was found dead in his cell, which authorities claimed was a result of suicide by hanging. However, evidence suggests that Tsintsibadze was killed by the thieves in law because of his inability to pay the required sum. Sozar Subari, public defender (ombudsman) of Georgia, “Ongoing Problems and Results of Monitoring in the Penitentiary Department.” Also Glonti and Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia,” p 63.

32 Glonti and Lobjanidze, “Professional Crime in Georgia,” p. 12.

33 See Dmitri Bit-Suleimanov, “Georgia’s Anti-Corruption Campaign Enters Crucial Phase,” EurasiaNet, April 11, 2001, http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav041101.shtml (accessed June 26, 2006).

34 See “Speech Delivered by Mikheil Saakashvili at Johns Hopkins University,” February 4, 2004, http://www.president.gov.ge/?l=E&m=0&sm=3&id=171 (accessed June 30, 2006); and “Speech Delivered by President Mikheil Saakashvili at the Parade Dedicated to the Independence Day of Georgia,” May 26, 2004, http://www.president.gov.ge/?l=E&m=0&sm=3&id=151 (accessed June 30, 2006). Also, in June 2004, Saakashvili agreed with the countries of the G8 to undertake specific actions to combat corruption in the framework of the “Compact to Promote Transparency and Combat Corruption: A New Partnership between the G8 and Georgia,” http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/economy/summit/2004/compact-4.pdf (accessed June 27, 2006).

35 Georgia has not signed or ratified the 2003 United Nations Convention against Corruption; see http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/crime_signatures_corruption.html. Georgia signed the United Nations Convention against Organized Crime in December 2000, but has yet to ratify it; see http://www.unodc.org/unodc/crime_cicp_convention.html. Georgia also signed in 1999, but did not ratify, the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption; see http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/Treaties/Html/173.htm. In May 2003, Georgia ratified the Council of Europe Civil Law Convention on Corruption, see http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Html/174.htm.

36 “Georgian Leader Signs Organized Crime Bill into Law,” text of Rustavi-2 TV report, Tbilisi, Imedi TV, (in Georgian), December 29, 2005.

37 Human Rights Watch interview with Mary Murphy, Penal Reform International, Tbilisi, May 19, 2006.