Background Briefing

<<previous  |  index  |  next>>

III. BACKGROUND

Erratic weather patterns, the fast track land reform program’s flawed implementation,1 and a shortage of agricultural inputs have resulted in acute food shortages in Zimbabwe since late 2001. Other contributing factors include the government’s mismanagement of the economy, which has led to hyperinflation, shortage of foreign currency and high unemployment; and HIV/AIDS, which has infected almost 25 percent of Zimbabwe’s population.2 In response to previous years’ food shortages and the GMB’s limited capacities, the government requested international food aid to supplement the GMB’s food distributions.3 The efficiency and effectiveness of international food aid has been undermined, however, by the highly opaque nature of information—made possible in large part by the government’s crackdown on the media and other basic civil liberties and political freedoms4—surrounding the GMB’s operations, agricultural production, and other issues considered to reflect poorly on the fast-track land reform program.

The GMB purchases imported maize (and locally produced maize in productive years) that it sells at a subsidized price. GMB maize is distributed to traditional leadership (chiefs and headmen) who collect money from their communities and oversee the distribution. The international food program, which began distributions in February 2002, is split into two food pipelines, managed by the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Consortium for Southern Africa Food Emergency (C-SAFE) respectively.

These programs have averted famine by providing millions of Zimbabweans with food assistance. Both the government and the international food programs, however, have been criticized for failing to ensure equal access to food for all Zimbabweans.5 In a 2003 report, Human Rights Watch found that the GMB’s operations and distributions lacked transparency and that Zimbabweans who were suspected or actual supporters of the main opposition party6 were routinely excluded from purchasing GMB maize.7 Vulnerable persons, including many farm workers formerly employed by commercial farmers, were also excluded from food aid, as a result of the government’s restrictions on relief agencies’ access to the resettled areas.8 In addition, donors were generally reluctant to fund food aid and/or agricultural inputs in resettled areas, as they did not want to be perceived as supporting the government’s land reform program.9 Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)10 supporters have often prevented non-ZANU PF supporters from registering for international food aid. Despite relief agencies’ efforts to prevent interference, such incidents have occurred as relief agencies must rely to some extent on local authorities to determine who qualifies for aid.11

On a recent mission to Zimbabwe,12 Human Rights Watch received reports from non-governmental organizations that unequal access to food assistance continues and that the GMB’s monopoly on maize may compromise Zimbabweans’ right to adequate food in 2004-5.13



[1] Under the fast track land reform program, black Zimbabweans were resettled onto commercial farm land formerly owned by minority white farmers. See Charles Utete, Report of the Presidential Land Review Committee on the Implementation of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme, 2000-2002 (‘The Utete Report’), (Harare: Government of Zimbabwe, 2003)and Human Rights Watch, “Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe,” A Human Rights Watch Short Report, Vol. 14, No. 1 (A), March 2002, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/zimbabwe.

[2] Farmers have also been discouraged from growing maize due to government price controls on maize.

[3] The main donor countries funding food aid in Zimbabwe are the European Union, the United Kingdom and the United States. U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Revised Consolidated Appeal for Zimbabwe – 2004, (New York/Geneva: U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 2004), p. 148.

[4] In particular, the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Miscellaneous Offences Act have been used to undermine the freedoms expression and association. In September 2003, Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ), publisher of The Daily News, Zimbabwe’s only independent daily, was closed when the Supreme Court ruled that it was operating in violation of AIPPA. The Administrative Court subsequently ruled that the ANZ could reopen. The government is now appealing the Administrative Court’s decision and the ANZ is contesting the constitutionality of select section of AIPPA. The Supreme Court has heard these matters jointly, but has reserved judgment and the ANZ remains closed. The Tribune, an independent weekly, was closed in June 2004, also under AIPPA. See also: Human Rights Watch, “Under a Shadow: Civil and Political Rights in Zimbabwe”, A Human Rights Watch Short Report (NY: HRW, June 6, 2003).

[5] See Physicians for Human Rights Denmark, Zimbabwe: Post Presidential Election March to May 2002 – ‘We’ll Make Them Run’, pg. 14-24, at http://www.phrusa.org/healthrights/phr_den052302.html. The International Federation for Human Rights reported politicization of the government food program in a statement “Political causes at the root of the current food crisis” (Harare), December 17, 2002, at http://fidh.org/article.php3?id_article=450. See SCF-U.K., Household Economy Assessment Report: A1 Resettlement Areas & Mutorashanga Informal Mining Communities, Zvimba District, Mashonaland West, Zimbabwe, (Harare: 2003), pp. 20-33 for findings on donor reluctance to fund food aid in resettled areas (hereafter referred to as “SCF Zvimba report”).

[6] The main opposition party is the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

[7] See Human Rights Watch, “Not Eligible: The Politicization of Food in Zimbabwe,” A Human Rights Watch Short Report, October 2003, pp. 34-45 for findings of politicization of the government food program.

[8] Ibid, pp. 46-50 for a discussion on the lack of access to resettled areas.

[9] Donors are critical of the way the government implemented the reform, which led to serious human rights abuses, and had far-reaching consequences on Zimbabwe agricultural output and economy. See Human Rights Watch, “Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe,” A Human Rights Watch Short Report, Vol. 14, No. 1 (A), March 2002, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/zimbabwe.

[10] ZANU PF is the ruling party in Zimbabwe.

[11] See Human Rights Watch, “Fast Track Land Reform in Zimbabwe,” A Human Rights Watch Short Report, Vol. 14, No. 1 (A), March 2002, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/zimbabwe, p. 28-34 for findings of politicization of the international food program by ZANU-PF supporters.

[12] Human Rights Watch fielded a mission to Zimbabwe for a three-week period in April and May 2004. Human Rights Watch interviewed representatives of national and international humanitarian NGOs; U.N. agencies; and donor countries. Almost all persons interviewed asked not to be named due to the political climate. Human Rights Watch sought but did not receive meetings with the relevant Ministries.

[13] Under Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), Zimbabwe is obliged to respect, protect and fulfill the right to food. Zimbabwe acceded to the ICESCR on May 13, 1991.


<<previous  |  index  |  next>>August 12, 2004